I joined a group of
around forty people last friday here in Dunedin to listen to Sue
Bradford's talk “The Left in Aoteroa: Some Lessons from Syriza and
Podemos”. It wasn't nearly as big a crowd as the one she attracted
late last year when she talked about her thesis about a left wing
think tank, but this probably had something to do with the timing of
the lecture in the middle of the afternoon and a last minute venue
change. There seems to be an appetite on the left for the sort of
discussion which Sue is initiating, and I include myself
wholeheartedly in this curiosity and desire for debate.
There's an
interesting contrast between Sue-the-activist and Sue-the-academic. I
respect and admire both of these Bradfords, but couldn't help myself
reflecting on this in the discussion which followed the talk. Most of
the people in the audience appeared to be either academics or
students. There was a fairly significant percentage of grey hair, and
the tone of the questions and debate was friendly and respectful. My
earliest memories of Sue from the early nineties were of really loud,
full on protests with lots of young black clad anarchists. Although I
have a lot of respect personally for the radical and bolshie side of
left activism, I think Sue has been unfairly tarnished by a media
image which portrays a one-dimensional figure, megaphone in hand and
full of constant outrage. The thoughtful, academic side of Sue
Bradford is surely the same Sue, the passion is still there just in a
different form.
The idea of taking
“lessons” from other countries with radically different histories
and political contexts is full of dangers, and Sue did a good job of
highlighting some of these. She was keen to point out that she did
not view either Syriza or Podemos as perfect models to copy, and that
any future leftist movement in New Zealand would have to be informed
by solid engagement with our own local specific histories. With all
these necessary qualifications though, Sue is surely not alone in
taking great interest and inspiration from recent events in Greece
and Spain.
I've been following
the Syriza story quite closely, whereas I don't know so much about
Podemos. There was a really interesting comment by a Spanish student
in the audience, who explained how Pablo Iglesias (the Podemos
leader) would get himself on awful right-wing TV chat shows and win
people over by his calmness and honesty. The idea here is that
leftists should not waste their energy endlessly criticising the
shortcomings and distortions of mainstream media, but rather engage
intelligently and strategically with it to gain more power. Sue also
quoted Iglesias' appeal to use the ideas and language of the people,
rather than theorists: 'Understand the way people think, not the way
you think'. Podemos has also been successful in connecting to large
numbers of people through web platforms which have a 'horizontal'
structure, allowing for grassroots input. Syriza and Podemos both
have solid and genuine connections with grassroots people's
movements, such as the 'indignados' of Spain and the anti-austerity
movement in Greece.
For me, it's the
final point which is the most significant: the power comes from the
people's movements in Greece and Spain. I'm not sure that the
horizontality, the clever web applications or media hijackings would
succeed without a basis in popular movements. There's plenty of
reasons why such a movement should exist
in New Zealand, and some encouraging signs – such as the big crowds
at the recent anti TPPA rallies. But the fact is that the dominant
mood of the country is still resignation and apathy. Clever
organising tactics and media savvy activists might help to catalyse
such a movement though, so maybe there is some hope to be found here.
I found myself thinking of the Internet Party here and the
unfortunate influence of Kim Dotcom: cleverness maybe useful, but the
integrity and trust has to be there too.
Sue
also discussed the fact that many of the leading figures in Syriza
and Podemos are academics. Alongside all the political activity there
is a really serious and deep intellectual discussion going on. The
terms of debate and the language being used is no longer the boring
and lukewarm jargon of mainstream economic commentary, words like
'class' and 'capitalism' are starting to come back into vogue. I
agree with Sue that this in itself is a really inspiring fact. Left
wing movements are about much more than just ideas, but there is
something crucially important about having this intellectual aspect.
Marxism is arguably one of the most important intellectual tools the
left has, with a rich and complex history of theory and debate. To
abandon this tool massively reduces and restricts the scope and
nature of any sort of leftist project.
I
was reminded here of a discussion I read on Sue's blog a few years
ago, where Sue was making some critical comments about the Green
party and its rightward trajectory. There was a link to a very
lengthy, highly engaging and intelligent Marxist analysis of climate
change and capitalism. The author had an intricate and compelling
argument that avoiding the catastrophic future effects of climate
change necessarily involved abolishing capitalism itself. In the
comments section below the blog all the usual and predicable
responses were made – revolution is not on the agenda, we have to
do what is realistic etc etc. Not a single person actually engaged
with the argument itself. The language of class and capitalism was
enough to turn people off. Pragmatism and 'realism' win the day in
New Zealand left political discussion, we don't need to bother with
academic Marxist arguments even if the end of the world is literally
at stake.
The
state of discussion is very different in Europe, and the recent
events with Syriza taking power have generated some really
interesting debates. The compromises which Syriza has been pressured
into are obvious topics, but these discussions are framed by much
deeper and nuanced theoretical questions about the nature of the
state, Keynesian economic theory and the most recent global financial
crisis. These aren't just academic exercises. Even if Syriza fails to
live up to its promise – and given the stranglehold the troika
still has on Greece, this is actually a very likely outcome – the
debates will still be there to inform and guide activists on the
ground. The better the substance and quality of these debates, the
better chance the left will have in the future.
Here
in New Zealand these kinds of vital leftist debates do exist, but as
far as I can make out they exist in a really tiny marginal space.
Blogs, academic journals and small socialist groups – high theory
in small rooms, with sectarian divides still an obstacle. Sue
observed in her talk that New Zealand does not have the same kind of
'deep' and living connection to an historical past suffused with left
struggle, such as the struggle against fascism in Greece. This lack
of general historical awareness and political consciousness shows up
everywhere. For me the two most prominent and annoying examples are
the widespread ignorance and racism regarding Maori issues, and the
incredible lack of of historical awareness which leads so many
thousands of New Zealanders to embrace the reactionary sentimentalism
of Anzac day. So to engineer a bridge between these small rooms and
the people is a mighty task.
Here's
to Sue Bradford for her contribution to that bridge.
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